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番組ch（NHK）: 2025/11/30(日) 19:40:04
【ﾏﾀｰﾘ】べらぼう～蔦重栄華乃夢噺～（46）曽我祭の変 (554)
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501: 公共放送名無しさん ID:blwmyZFr
これが日本史の教科書にも載ってた曽我祭りの変か
502: 公共放送名無しさん ID:vwSeiUJ3
小布施の北斎館は櫓以外微妙だった
503: 公共放送名無しさん ID:+VcAv3H+
続き気になるけど来週リアタイ出来ない(´;ω;｀)
504: 公共放送名無しさん ID:Kic6lLyW
マンガの始祖
505: 公共放送名無しさん ID:ewhO5tKE
これなら平穏に復讐できてイイネ
506: 公共放送名無しさん ID:vewgdgmW
面白かったー
507: 公共放送名無しさん ID:2UEtXhx7
>>502
俺は良かった
偽物多いって聞いたけどほんとなの？
508: 公共放送名無しさん ID:BU0yONN1
八犬伝でやってたな
509: 公共放送名無しさん ID:vwSeiUJ3
>>501
ホントにあったんだ。フィクションかと思ってた
510: 公共放送名無しさん ID:NQ8oHOOe
春町やん(´・ω・`)
511: 公共放送名無しさん ID:IduxtHSP
黄表紙のおっちゃん！！！
512: 公共放送名無しさん ID:ewhO5tKE
>>503
再放送で実況しようぜ～
513: 公共放送名無しさん ID:OGFUjIAQ
令和でも
サムライトルーパーの新作が出るくらい
514: 公共放送名無しさん ID:qateGIX4
ひらやすみて面白いんか？
実況民の間で好評みたいだけど
515: 公共放送名無しさん ID:WWivoKTK
もう終わっちゃうのつらい
516: 公共放送名無しさん ID:wbj3Gbg/
>>493
あいつ酷ぇんですよとエゲレスなんかに加勢を頼んでるそうだな
断られてるが
517: 公共放送名無しさん ID:2UEtXhx7
>>509
もう最後までフィクションや
518: 公共放送名無しさん ID:ewhO5tKE
>>501
楽しい教科書ｗ
519: 公共放送名無しさん ID:z2eCR2ar
>>499
大分無理のある作戦だなぁ
520: 公共放送名無しさん ID:2UEtXhx7
>>515
あと2回
521: 公共放送名無しさん ID:5uL9gE0m
>>486
誰がスパイかわからんかった
いつか裏切ると思ってたけど
泰三そんな雰囲気は出してたけどフェイクだったのかな
522: 公共放送名無しさん ID:ewhO5tKE
>>514
癒やし面白くていいよ～
来週で終わりだけどちょっと不穏
523: 公共放送名無しさん ID:ewhO5tKE
>>519
史実を変えない範囲で復讐しなきゃならないから脚本家も大変ね
524: 公共放送名無しさん ID:fxO9GSPY
ハドリアヌス様に双子の兄上が
的な展開か
525: 公共放送名無しさん ID:qateGIX4
>>522
ありがとう
見ればよかったか
526: 公共放送名無しさん ID:5uL9gE0m
>>499
なるほど
そして傀儡政権やるつもりだったということか
やり手だな
527: 公共放送名無しさん ID:xUloiu9Q
>>521
毒まんじゅう仕込んだのって大崎 越中の手のものじゃないの？
528: 公共放送名無しさん ID:5uL9gE0m
>>527
そういうきがしたけど
どっちもじゃね？
一橋に渡したのはそっちのものだけど
一橋も配ってた
529: 公共放送名無しさん ID:Kic6lLyW
>>526
それは面倒だから即引退して出家するわって宣言させるつもりだったんだろう
それで事実通り
530: 公共放送名無しさん ID:5uL9gE0m
>>529
なるほど
531: 公共放送名無しさん ID:Vkk5cm7s
You.Tubeで大宮公園のピースくん見てから晩飯にするか
532: 公共放送名無しさん ID:ewhO5tKE
>>528
作中出てきただった男
みたいな奴らを動かして毒饅頭を配らせたのかね
本物の地元民が配ってた名前入り饅頭に紛れ込ませてってのがうまいなあ
533: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
べらぼう
534: 公共放送名無しさん ID:1LP8Poni
コンドーさん華奢だなぁ
535: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
松平定信
536: 公共放送名無しさん ID:zEptJcpT
治済の悪事（ドラマ上のフィクション）

・田安治察を暗殺（定信の兄）
・次期将軍家基を毒殺
・源内を抹殺
・石坂白眉毛を暗殺
・将軍家治を毒殺
537: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
The Golovnin Incident (also written as the Golovnin Incident or the Golovnin Incident) occurred in 1811 (Bunka 8). The captain of the Russian warship Diana, Vasilii Mikhailovich Golovnin (Russian: Василий Михайлович Головнин, Vasilii Mikhailovich Golovnin; in Japan, it is usually written as Golovnin, so hereafter referred to as Golovnin), was captured by officials under the Matsumae Magistrate's Office on Kunashiri Island while the ship was surveying the Kuril Islands.
He was subsequently detained in Japan for approximately two years and three months.
The incident was resolved thanks to the efforts of Pyotr Rykord, the Diana's first-in-command, and Kahei Takadaya, who was captured by Rykord and taken to Kamchatka. This incident is widely known for Golovnin's "A Journal of a Japanese Prisoner in 1811, 1812, and 1813," which he wrote after returning to Japan. *Dates are in the Japanese calendar.
The Russian Empire, which expanded its territory eastward, began subjugating the Kuril Ainu people living in the Kuril Islands (Shinchi and Shumushu counties) in the 18th century, forcing them to convert to Russian Orthodoxy and collecting a fur tax (yasak). Meanwhile, in Japan, the Matsumae Domain established the Kunashiri Basho in 1754 (the 4th year of the Horeki era) to oversee the islands of Kunashiri, Etorofu, and Uruppu, inhabited by the Ainu of eastern Hokkaido.
They established a customs office in Tomari and began trade with the Ainu.[1][2] Then, in 1759 (the 9th year of the Horeki era), Matsumae samurai received reports from Ainu on Etorofu and Kunashiri at the Akkeshi Basho that foreigners dressed in red had set up guard posts in the Northern Kuril Islands, and Japan became aware of Russian presence in the Kuril Islands.[3]
Subsequently, in 1776, a group of Russian fur traders sent a colony to Uruppu Island, temporarily settling there, marking the easternmost border of the Ainu territory of eastern Hokkaido. In 1778 (the 7th year of the An'ei era), the Irkutsk merchant Shabalin arrived in Nokkamappu (present-day Nemuro City) in Ezo, seeking trade.
The Matsumae samurai who greeted them said they would respond the following year, and the following year, in 1779 (An'ei 8), they arrived in Akkeshi. The Matsumae clan, without reporting to the shogunate, unilaterally informed them that trade was limited to Nagasaki and that there was no point in coming to Ezochi, and they were forced to leave.[4] Meanwhile, the Japanese shogunate also dispatched an expedition to Ezochi during the reign of senior councilor Tanuma Okitsugu. In 1786 (Tenmei 6), Mogami Tokunai became the first shogunate official to travel to Etorofu Island, encountering Russian residents in Sharsham, on the northeastern tip of the island.[5] Contact between the two countries increased.
538: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>537In 1792 (Kansei 4), Adam Laxman arrived in Ezo as an envoy carrying a letter from the Governor-General of Siberia, accompanied by Daikokuya Kodayu, a castaway from the Shinsho Maru. Laxman sought trade negotiations in Edo (present-day Tokyo), but was refused. Instead, he was given a "certificate of trust" allowing him to enter the port of Nagasaki, and returned home. [6]
Nicolai Rezanov, founder of the Russian-American Company, arrived in Nagasaki in September 1804 (Bunka 1) as an envoy carrying a letter from Emperor Alexander I and the certificate Laxman had obtained, accompanied by Tsudayu, a castaway from the Wakamiya Maru.
However, he was not permitted to land for more than six months, and in March of the following year, 1805 (Bunka 2), his trade was refused by the inspector Toyama Kagenobu at the Nagasaki Magistrate's Office. Rezanov handed over the castaways and left Nagasaki, but after returning to Russia, he believed that Japan would open up if military force was used, so he petitioned the Tsar[7] and ordered his subordinate, Nikolai Khvostov, and others to use force against Japan.[8] Rezanov changed his plans and ordered Khvostov to scout Aniya Bay and then head to America before heading for St. Petersburg. However, Khvostov, believing that his previous orders had not been rescinded, attacked the islands of Etorofu, Sakhalin, and Rishiri from 1806 (Bunka 3) to 1807 (Bunka 4), kidnapping Ainu children and committing looting and arson.[9]
For details, see "Bunka-Russian Invasion."
In January 1806, the shogunate issued the "Order to Assist Russian Ships," which required Russian ships that had drifted ashore to be provided with food and other supplies and allowed to return home as quickly as possible.[10] However, following Khvostov's attack, the shogunate ordered the Oshu domains to dispatch troops and strengthened security along the Ezo coast. In December 1807, the shogunate issued the "Order to Repel Russian Ships," which called for strict repelling of Russian ships, arresting or dismantling anyone who approached, and monitoring ships that had drifted ashore on the spot. Furthermore, following the Phaeton Incident in Nagasaki in 1808 (Bunka 5), ​​Japan's foreign policy stance had hardened. It was under these circumstances that the Golovnin Incident occurred.
Edit Elderly Rikord In 1811 (Bunka 8), Captain Golovnin, captain of the sloop Diana, which was docked in Petropavlovsk, was ordered to survey the southern part of the Kuril Islands.[Footnote 1] He sailed south on the Diana. In May, he landed on the northern tip of Etorofu Island.[Footnote 2] There he encountered Takebei Ishizaka, a subordinate inspector of the Matsumae Magistrate's Office who was escorting Kuril Ainu castaways.
When Golovnin requested firewood and water, Ishizaka instructed him to go to the Furebetsu Kaisho (a trading post on the island) and handed him a letter addressed to the trading post.[13] However, Golovnin encountered headwinds and was interested in the Nemuro Strait, an unexplored area in Europe at the time. He planned to pass through the strait and head north to the Sea of ​​Okhotsk.[14] Instead of heading for Furubetsu, Golovnin headed for the southern part of Kunashiri Island, which had a calm inlet.[15] He entered Tomari Bay on May 27.
While Nasasezaemon, the Matsumae magistrate's inspector and inspector, who was stationed at Kunashiri Jinya facing the bay, ordered the Nanbu clan soldiers stationed there to fire artillery, Golovnin sent a message in a barrel requesting supplies.[16] He then contacted the Japanese.
539: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>538 On June 3, they met with armed Japanese officials on the shore and were requested to proceed to the Japanese camp.[17] On June 4, Golovnin, Ensign Fedor Mur, Navigator Andrey Khlebnikov, four sailors (Simonov, Makarov, Shikaev, and Vasilyev), and the Kuril Ainu Alexei Maksimovich[note 3] visited the camp.[19]
After being treated to a meal, they refused the Japanese request to leave the hostages behind until they received permission from the Matsumae magistrate to resupply, and were captured as they attempted to return to their ship.[20]
This "sneak attack" led the Russians to call Tomari Bay "Bay of Betrayal."[21] The Diana's first officer, Rikord, engaged in an artillery battle with the camp's artillery in an attempt to recapture Golovnin, but was unable to inflict significant damage.
Concerned that continuing the attack would put Golovnin and his men in danger, he left their personal belongings on the shore and retreated to Okhotsk.[22] After arriving in Okhotsk, Rikord departed for St. Petersburg in September to report the incident to the Minister of the Navy and request the dispatch of an expedition to rescue Golovnin.[23]
On the way, he visited Irkutsk Governor Treskin, who informed him that a request for a rescue expedition had already been submitted. He stayed in Irkutsk, but due to the tense situation in Europe, the expedition to Japan was rejected. Rikord returned to Okhotsk with Ryozaemon, who had been abducted during the Russian invasion and taken to Russia.[24] Life in Detention
Edit After the Diana departed Kunashiri Island, Golovnin and his companions were escorted overland on foot, still bound with ropes, and arrived in Hakodate on July 2. There, they were subjected to preliminary interrogation by Hakodate inspector Eijiro Oshima, and then transferred to Matsumae on August 25 for imprisonment.[25]
From August 27, they were interrogated by Matsumae magistrate Shigeaki Arao. Arao accepted Khvostov's claims that the attack was not ordered by the Russian government and that Golovnin had no connection to Khvostov. In November, he petitioned Edo to release Golovnin and his companions, but the shogunate refused.[26]
540: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>539 Escape In the spring of 1812 (Bunka 9), they were allowed to take supervised walks,[27] and were transferred from prison to a samurai residence in the castle town.[28] However, concerned that their release was unlikely, Golovnin and his companions secretly plotted to escape, steal a boat, and head toward Kamchatka or Primorsky Krai.
Mur and Alexei initially agreed, but Mur changed his mind. On March 25, six of them, excluding Mur and Alexei, escaped.
They fled north from Matsumae on foot through the mountains, but on April 4, they were found and captured by villagers in the village of Kinoko (present-day Kaminokuni Town), starving and exhausted.[30] They were escorted back to Matsumae and interrogated by the magistrate. After that, they were imprisoned in Bakkozawa (present-day Jinnai, Matsumae Town), deep within Tokuyama Daijingu Shrine.
Interpreter Training, Visits by Mamiya Rinzo
Edit
The shogunate requested that Golovnin and others provide Russian language training for interpreters, and Uehara Kumajiro[Footnote 4], Murakami Teisuke[Footnote 5], Baba Sadayoshi, and Adachi Nobuto studied Russian.[34][35]
Other scholars visited Golovnin and others in prison, including Mamiya Rinzo. Rinzo brought gifts of lemons, mandarins, and medicinal herbs to prevent scurvy, as well as a sextant, an astronomical observation instrument, and drawing tools, and asked Golovnin to teach them how to use them.
Rinzo also visited Golovnin every day from morning to night, offering hotpot and sake, and boasting about his adventures and heroic tales from the Cultural Raids.[Footnote 6] Golovnin described his vanity as "incredible."[36] Golovnin wrote that Hayashizo suspected Russians and had reportedly accused Golovnin and his crew of being spies to the magistrate and sent a report to Edo.[37]
Capture of Takadaya Kahei After returning to Okhotsk, Rikord set sail for Kunashiri Island in the summer of 1812 aboard the Diana and the supply ship Zochik, accompanied by Ryozaemon and the castaways from the Kanki Maru, which had washed ashore on the Kamchatka Peninsula in 1810 (Bunka 7), in order to use them as bargaining chips for Golovnin's rescue.[38] Arriving at Tomari on August 3, he requested an exchange of Golovnin for the Japanese castaways at the Kunashiri camp.
However, Ota Hikosuke, a clerk-in-charge of the Matsumae magistrate's office, accepted the castaways but refused to release Golovnin and his crew, falsely claiming that they had already been executed.[39] Rikord did not believe Golovnin's execution and, in order to obtain further information, seized Takadaya Kahei's ship, the Kanze Maru, off the coast of Kunashiri Island in the early morning of August 14.[40]
He took the six people on board, including Kahei, the captains Kinzo, Heizo, Yoshizo, Bunji, and Sitka, an Ainu, to Petropavlovsk.[41]
541: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>540 In Petropavlovsk, Kahei and his friends lived with Rikord in a converted government office. There, he became friends with a young boy named Olka and learned Russian.[42] Kahei and his friends were free to do as they pleased, and on New Year's Day, they would treat local people to Japanese sake and deepen their friendship.[43]
Furthermore, Petropavlovsk was a trading port at the time, with merchant ships from various countries coming and going, and Kahei also had contact with foreign merchants.[Footnote 7] On December 8 (Japanese calendar), Kahei woke up the sleeping Rikord and asked to discuss ways to resolve the incident. Kahei convinced Golovnin that he had been arrested because of Khvostov's brutality, and that if they submitted a written apology for the atrocities to the Japanese government, Golovnin and his friends would surely be released.[45]
In February and March of the following year, Bunji, Yoshizo, and Sitka died of illness. Kahei refused the Russians' offer to hold a Russian Orthodox funeral and instead conducted Buddhist and Ainu funerals for the three men himself.[46] Afterward, Kahei became emotionally unstable, worried about his own health, and urged Rikord to return to Japan as soon as possible.
Rikord, who had been appointed governor of Kamchatka at the time, followed Kahei's advice and used his official position to write an apology letter in the name of the governor and personally travel to Japan-Russia negotiations.
Resolution of the Incident Monument to Japan-Russia Friendship (Hakodate City). This monument was erected in 1999 to commemorate the reunion of Golovnin and Rikord's descendants with Takadaya Kahei's descendants when they visited Japan.
After Kahei's capture, the shogunate changed its policy to prevent further escalation of the conflict with Russia and agreed to release Golovnin if Russia could publicly prove that Khvostov's attack was not ordered by the emperor.
A letter of instruction to convey this to the Russian side, "Instructions for the Russian Ship's Crossing," was prepared and translated by Golovnin.[Footnote 8] This was done in preparation for the arrival of the Russian ships.[49] The shogunate's approach to resolving the incident was exactly what Kahei had expected.
In May 1813 (Bunka 10), Kahei, Ricord, and others set sail from Petropavlovsk on the Diana, bound for Kunashiri Island. Upon arriving in Tomari on May 26, Kahei first escorted Kinzo and Heizo to the Kunashiri camp.
Kahei then went to the camp and explained the events that had occurred up to that point, opening the way for negotiations. Kahei returned to the Diana and handed the aforementioned "Instructions for the Russian Ship's Crossing" to Ricord.[50]
542: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>541 Upon receiving news of the Diana's arrival on Kunashiri Island, the Matsumae magistrate dispatched investigators Takahashi Shigetaka and Kanmoto Heigoro to Kunashiri.
The two men accompanied Simonov and Alexei to Kunashiri, arriving on June 19. However, the apology submitted by Riccardo to the Japanese side was not accepted by the shogunate because Riccardo had been the one who had captured Kahei. Riccardo was therefore asked to submit an official explanation by another high-ranking Russian government official.[51]
Agreeing to the Japanese demands, Riccardo departed Kunashiri for the Sea of ​​Okhotsk on June 24 to retrieve the explanation.[41] Meanwhile, Takahashi, Kahei, and others departed Kunashiri on June 29. Takahashi arrived in Matsumae on July 19 and reported the details of the negotiations to Matsumae magistrate Hattori Sadakatsu.[52]
On August 13, Golovnin and his men were released from prison and transported to Hakodate, where they were to be handed over to the patrol.[53]
Richard arrived in Okhotsk and obtained written explanations from Irkutsk Governor Treskin and Okhotsk Governor Minitsky. He then departed Okhotsk on July 28, carrying Kiselyov Zenroku, a castaway from the Wakamiya Maru who had become a naturalized Russian citizen and an interpreter, and Hisazou, a castaway from the Kanki Maru.[54] Twenty days later, the ship sailed south until Ezo was visible to the naked eye, and on August 28, it approached Uchiura Bay.
However, a severe storm struck, and Rikold considered evacuating to the Hawaiian Islands. However, the storm subsided, and the ship arrived in Etomo (present-day Muroran) on September 11.[55][56] Kahei's subordinate, Heizo, who had been waiting to guide the ship, boarded the Diana and arrived in Hakodate on the evening of September 16.
Shortly after the ship arrived, Kahei visited the Diana in a small boat and was delighted to be reunited with Ricord.[57]
On the morning of September 18, Kahei visited the Diana, and Ricord handed him a letter of explanation from the Governor of Okhotsk.[58]
At noon on September 19, Ricord, two officers, ten sailors, and Zenroku landed and met with Takahashi Shigetaka and others at the Okinokuchi Guard Station, where they handed him a letter of explanation from the Governor of Irkutsk Prefecture.[59] During the meeting, Zenroku translated Ricord's opening remarks, but subsequent interpretation was provided by Japanese interpreter Murakami Teisuke.[60] The Matsumae magistrate accepted the Russian explanation[Note 9] and released Golovnin and his men on September 26, taking Kuzo back, but refused to begin trade.[62]
Having completed its mission, the Diana departed Hakodate on September 29[63] and returned to Petropavlovsk on October 23[64].
543: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>542 Later After returning to Petropavlovsk, Golovnin departed for St. Petersburg with Rikord in the winter of 1813.[65] Upon arriving in St. Petersburg in the summer of 1814, both men were promoted to lieutenant commander and given life pensions of 1,500 rubles per year.[66]
Meanwhile, Kahei returned to Hakodate from Matsumae to meet Rikord on September 15, and was placed under guard at Shomyoji Temple. He was not released even after the Diana departed Hakodate. However, due to poor health, he requested to recuperate at home, and began house arrest on October 1.
Later, he was awarded five ryo of gold by the shogunate as a reward for resolving the Golovnin incident.[67]
The Unseen Border Negotiations Rikord had received orders from the governor of Irkutsk Prefecture to demarcate the border and establish diplomatic relations. Judging from the Japanese stance, however, negotiations would be difficult. He was forced to winter in Hakodate. Concerned about repeating Rezanov's mistakes, he consulted with Golovnin and discontinued his approach to the Japanese. [68]
However, upon leaving Hakodate, he handed a letter to Japanese officials expressing his desire to establish border demarcation and diplomatic relations, and to negotiate on Etorofu Island in June–July of the following year. [Footnote 10]
The shogunate refused to establish diplomatic relations and agreed only to negotiations regarding border demarcation. He proposed a plan in which the area up to Etorofu Island would be Japanese territory, the area up to Shimoshiri Island (Shinchi Island) would be Russian territory, and the intermediate islands, including Uruppu Island, would be treated as neutral zones where no settlements could be built. [70]
He sent Takahashi Shigetaka to Etorofu Island in the spring of 1814. However, by the time Takahashi arrived on June 8, the Russian ships had already departed.[71] As a result, border demarcation was postponed until Putyatin's arrival at the end of the Edo period.
A Journal of a Prisoner in Japan After returning to Japan, Golovnin wrote a memoir about his life as a prisoner in Japan, which was published at government expense in 1816. It consists of three parts: Parts 1 and 2 are records of his life as a prisoner in Japan, and Part 3 is a commentary on Japan and the Japanese people.
Long before Kaempfer's "The History of Japan" was published, a Western account of Japan was long awaited. A Journal of a Prisoner in Japan was also the first study of the Japanese people written by a Russian.
544: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>543 Golovnin appears to have studied Japan through published sources while carrying out his mission in the Far East. In "A Prisoner in Japan," he sees the influence of the works of Kaempfer, Charlevoix, Montesquieu, and Voltaire.
As an anecdote illustrating the Japanese values ​​of loyalty and filial piety, Golovnin introduces a legend about the remnants of the Taira clan known as "Kagekiyomono," a tale quoted from Kaempfer's "History of Japan."[72] The influence of Kaempfer's writings is also evident in his references to the creation myth and legends of warding off evil.[73]
Compared to Western law, which developed on the basis of Christian religious ethics, Japanese law, which developed independently based on the laws of the Warring States period and references to Chinese legal systems, was difficult for Westerners to understand. Montesquieu's "The Spirit of the Laws" offers a scathing critique of Japanese criminal law, but Golovnin, despite his own imprisonment, demonstrates fairness in understanding and forgiving the actions of the Japanese perpetrators, even in the face of their blatant hatred.[74]
Nikolai Kasatkin, a Russian Orthodox priest who visited Japan at the end of the Edo period, reportedly read the book and developed an interest in Japan.[75] The book was subsequently translated into German, French, English, and other languages, and is regarded as one of the most reliable historical sources on Japan.[76] In addition, the German translations (parts 1 and 2 only) were retained in their original form, as translator Carl Johann Schultz used Golovnin's original manuscript for translation.[77]
In Japan, a Dutch translation of the German version (parts 1 and 2 only) was brought to Edo by the Dutch trading post in 1821.[note 11] The following year, translations were made by Baba Sadayoshi (who died during translation), Sugita Ryukei[note 12], and Aochi Rinso, with revisions by Takahashi Kageyasu. The book was published in 1825 (Bunsei 8) as "The Japan of the Disaster," consisting of 12 main volumes and two appendices.[80]
It is known that Takadaya Kahei, who had returned to Awaji Island, also obtained and read the book.[81] In 1894, it was translated into Japanese as "Nihon Prison Jikki" (The True Story of a Japanese Prisoner).[82]
Lieutenant Mur, a naval officer who was imprisoned with Golovnin, wrote "Mour's Prison Report" (detailing Golovnin and his colleagues' duties, their activities, and the state of affairs in Russia and Europe) while in prison. This was translated into Japanese by Russian interpreter Murakami Sadasuke and others. However, there were many differences between this report and Golovnin's "Nihon Prison Jikki" (The True Story of a Japanese Prisoner).
Therefore, Takahashi Kageyasu, the Magistrate of Books and Astronomer, and others promoted a plan to translate Mur's "Prison Report" into Dutch and publish it in Europe.[83] (The plan was thwarted after Takahashi's downfall following the Siebold Incident, and Mur committed suicide after returning to Russia, so only the account in "Nihon Prison Jikki" became widely accepted as historical fact.)
545: 公共放送名無しさん ID:BQzed3Ke
通販のCMみたいやなｗ
546: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
越中
547: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
The Phantom Tokugawa Cabinet Tokugawa Ietada in 1913 Following the en masse resignation of the Yamamoto Cabinet on March 26, 1914 (Taisho 3), a meeting of the Genro (elder statesmen) was held on the 27th. Matsukata Masayoshi, who was invited to form a cabinet, declined due to his advanced age and instead recommended Ietada, Speaker of the House of Peers.
While Yamagata Aritomo stated, "Lord Tokugawa is a man of integrity, and in terms of his lineage and virtue, he is perfectly suited to be prime minister," he expressed concern over Ietada's lack of "administrative experience" and "unclear knowledge of his capabilities," and questioned whether Ietada should accept the imperial mandate to form a cabinet. Matsukata responded by saying he would make a decision after hearing from House of Peers members such as Hirata Tōsuke and Hirayama Shigenobu, and the meeting adjourned.
The Genro Council decided to consult Hirata and Hirayama because they valued the views of the House of Peers (especially the Ko Club faction), which had driven the Yamamoto Cabinet to its downfall. Having Ietada as Speaker of the House of Peers, someone who would not be opposed by the House of Peers, was important in dealing with the House of Peers.
Furthermore, because Ietada had a good relationship with the Seiyukai party, it was believed that a "Tokugawa Cabinet" would also provide a stable response to the House of Representatives.
548: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>547 Hirata reported that if Ietada were to form a cabinet, "the House of Peers would unanimously welcome it," but it was unclear whether Ietada would accept the imperial mandate.
He reported that if he were asked his opinion in advance, he would likely decline, so it would be more likely that Ietada would accept it if the imperial mandate was issued "out of the blue." Therefore, the Genro Council decided to immediately recommend Ietada without consulting him in advance, and the Genro members went to the Imperial Palace to respond to Emperor Taisho's questioning of him, and submitted their recommendation. The Emperor approved and ordered Iesada to enter the palace.
At 10:00 a.m. on March 29, Iesada entered the palace and received an imperial command from Emperor Taisho to form a cabinet. He avoided giving an immediate reply and withdrew, saying he would submit his response the next day.[62] However, he expressed his intention to resign from the office to the Minister of the Interior, Prince Fushiminomiya Sadaaki, because "I have no experience in administration, and I have no confidence in how to deal with today's difficult situation. If I were to accept the imperial command without considering it myself and cause further trouble, I would be accused of disloyalty and disrespect."
The Council of Elders sent Hirayama to Ietada's Sendagaya residence to persuade him, but according to Hirayama, Ietada still stated that he had no confidence in the current situation, and that,
regardless of his previous experience as a Taira minister, if he simply accepted the imperial command without any prior experience, he would become a disloyal and disloyal subject, and therefore refused to accept the command. Seeing Ietada's firm resolve, the Council of Elders abandoned the "Tokugawa Cabinet" and began selecting a new candidate.[63]
549: 公共放送名無しさん ID:4iORuGTR
>>548 The Second Okuma Cabinet was eventually formed, but it resulted in a three-week political vacuum.
However, since the imperial command was not accepted after a failed cabinet formation, this incident did not become a major political setback for Ietada, and he continued to serve as Speaker of the House of Peers.
The Tokyo Asahi Shimbun (March 30, 1914) also carried the opinion of a former retainer and member of the House of Peers that, unless one had exceptional confidence, it would be better to refrain from casually accepting the imperial command, as any problems would cause trouble not only for oneself but also for the entire family.
Since there are still many opportunities for him to serve his lord and country, it would be wise to accept the imperial command this time.
550: 公共放送名無しさん ID:e01uoDFd
>>549 Tokugawa Ietada (old characters: 德川 家達󠄁, August 24, 1863 (July 11, Bunkyu 3) - June 5, 1940 (Showa 15)) was a Japanese politician and prominent figure.
He held the rank of Duke of the Grand Cordon of the Order of the First Rank. His childhood name was Kamenosuke. His pen name was Seigaku. He was commonly known as "The Sixteenth Generation".
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浮世絵
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越中守
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祭り
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